Chilcot should look at the ricin plot

The ricin plot continues to thicken slowly from

http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2011/f...

What happened when an Algerian asylum seeker acquitted in the ricin plot met 'Mr Normal'?

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Archer, who has lived all his life in north-west London, describes himself as Mr Normal. He is as surprised as anyone that he has ended up best mates not just with an asylum seeker, but one accused of being the Mr Fixit in a major terror conspiracy.

If the friendship between Archer and Sihali is unusual, the way they met is even more so. Archer was the foreman of the Old Bailey jury that acquitted Sihali and Taleb. Although Archer saw Sihali in court almost every day for seven months, it was to be another year before the pair finally exchanged words, when Archer and some fellow jurors got in touch with the defendants and asked to meet. "We had read in the press about government attempts to deport them. It felt as if our verdicts were being ignored and we just wanted to show them our support," he says. "But we rapidly discovered that there is no place for jurors in the criminal justice system once a case is over."

The defendants were also desperate to make contact with the jurors, following the political outcry at the acquittals. Sihali, who could have faced a 30-year sentence if the verdict had gone the other way, says: "The jury had believed in me and I felt I had a duty to reassure them that they had done the right thing, that their faith in me was not misplaced."

Like many people I think I'd stopped following developments in the ricin plot but it has received quite a bit of coverage lately but two letters and an article in the Guardian have made me think again:

Chilcot should look at the ricin plot

  • The Guardian, Monday 31 January 2011
  • Article history
  • I wonder whether the Chilcot inquiry (Report, 29 January) will require Tony Blair to answer a question or two about the so-called ricin plot. On 5 January 2003, anti-terror police removed suspect items from a bedsit in Wood Green. On 7 January scientists at Porton Down ruled out the presence of ricin or any other deadly chemical in these items. Many of us would like to know, therefore, why it was that on that same day, the home secretary and the health secretary issued a statement on the discovery of ricin, and why the NHS issued advice that the public should not panic. We should also like to know why, on 8 January 2003, the media broke lurid stories about the discovery of ricin and a "deadly London terror plot". And why, on 5 February, Colin Powell held up a phial in the UN security council, while he gave the "UK ricin plot" as a reason to go to war with Iraq.

    And more generally we should like to know why, if there had never been any ricin, four innocent men had to languish in jail for two years before a jury trial acquitted them to walk free as innocent men, even though the prosecution had spent £20m on trying to establish their guilt. And finally, why were these innocent men rearrested and subjected to the appalling practice of special bail conditions, which are the same as control orders, under which one of them suffers 20-hour curfew to this day. These draconian powers have not been altered one iota by this week's deceitful rebranding. The corrosive effect of lies at the top has blurred the distinction between right and wrong for far too long. Chilcot has the opportunity to restore a moral compass for the future; dare we hope it will rise to this challenge?

    Maude Casey

    Brighton, East Sussex

Ricin and other dodgy terror scares

  • The Guardian, Wednesday 2 February 2011
  • Article history
  • Maude Casey (Letters, 31 January) raises the important issue of how the police and intelligence authorities handled the supposed ricin plot in early 2003 before British troops had been committed to invade Iraq. In September 2002, following my review in the London Review of Books of the Downing Street dossier on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, I briefed the late Air Marshal Tim Garden, then a security adviser to the Liberal Democrats, about how Iraqi exiles were exaggerating the WMD threat. On 7 January 2003, just before a statement on Iraq by Geoff Hoon, Garden was at the Commons to give an interview.

    He emailed me: "I [was] in the BBC studio to comment on the Hoon speech as this [ricin] news broke. It was an incredible piece of timing. Hoon sat down from his speech and, as [opposition spokesman] Bernard Jenkin started speaking, the press release from Scotland Yard arrived on the BBC news desk. The timing was absolutely synchronised ... Given the bust was on Sunday, it seemed strange the news would be released between the Hoon and Blair statements today" when the media was focused on Iraq. The Blair statement then cited the ricin plot as "powerful evidence of the continued terrorist threat" and the danger posed to the west by Saddam Hussein. Blair's spokesman confirmed the "presence of ricin poison" later that day.

    But the London ricin, along with the aluminium tubes for uranium enrichment and the Iraqi import of yellowcake from Niger, never existed. So who synchronised the Hoon speech with the Scotland yard announcement? Perhaps the Chilcot inquiry can answer.

    Norman Dombey

    Professor emeritus of theoretical physics, University of Sussex, Brighton

 

 

 

 

 


 

A friendship that crossed the threshold

What happened when an Algerian asylum seeker acquitted in the ricin plot met 'Mr Normal'?

  • guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 1 February 2011 17.00 GMT
  • Article history
  • Friends Mouloud Sihali and Lawrence Archer in an Algerian cafe in London Mouloud Sihali and Lawrence Archer in an Algerian cafe in London. Photograph: Graham Turner for the Guardian

    When Lawrence Archer, a 56-year-old telecoms engineer, struck up a friendship with Mouloud Sihali five years ago, he would sit outside the Algerian' s front door, usually on an upturned dustbin, and chat for hours.

    With typical Algerian hospitality, Sihali, 34, would pass out drinks and snacks – but he could never invite the man he now describes as his best friend into his home, nor could he cross his own threshold to join Archer on the porch. If he had, Sihali might have rapidly found himself back in Belmarsh prison.

    Sihali entered the UK illegally in 1997 and was one of four Algerian defendants acquitted in the so-called "ricin plot" trial at the Old Bailey. Despite being cleared by the jury in April 2005, only a few months later he and another defendant, Mustapha Taleb, were rounded up in the wake of the London bombings on 7 July 2005 and subjected to a deportation order, with the kind of "house arrest" conditions usually associated with control orders. Both men were tagged, put under curfew for up to 20 hours a day, denied access to the internet, and only visitors approved by the Home Office were allowed to enter their homes.

    Control orders were introduced in 2005 for people suspected of terrorist offences who can't be brought to a full trial and who can't be deported. Foreign nationals considered a threat to national security who can be deported, are subject to deportation orders, often with equally stringent restrictions. Last week, the coalition announced reforms to the control orders, but deportation orders will be unaffected.

    Archer agrees that, despite the seriousness of the situation, there was something faintly comic about his visits to Sihali. After a few months, Archer applied for Home Office clearance to become an approved visitor, which involved being designated a "known associate of terrorists". But although Sihali was cleared of being a threat to national security in 2007 and released from all restrictions, he still faces the threat of deportation back to Algeria.

    Archer, who has lived all his life in north-west London, describes himself as Mr Normal. He is as surprised as anyone that he has ended up best mates not just with an asylum seeker, but one accused of being the Mr Fixit in a major terror conspiracy.

    If the friendship between Archer and Sihali is unusual, the way they met is even more so. Archer was the foreman of the Old Bailey jury that acquitted Sihali and Taleb. Although Archer saw Sihali in court almost every day for seven months, it was to be another year before the pair finally exchanged words, when Archer and some fellow jurors got in touch with the defendants and asked to meet. "We had read in the press about government attempts to deport them. It felt as if our verdicts were being ignored and we just wanted to show them our support," he says. "But we rapidly discovered that there is no place for jurors in the criminal justice system once a case is over."

    The defendants were also desperate to make contact with the jurors, following the political outcry at the acquittals. Sihali, who could have faced a 30-year sentence if the verdict had gone the other way, says: "The jury had believed in me and I felt I had a duty to reassure them that they had done the right thing, that their faith in me was not misplaced."

    When the two finally met, they found they had an immediate rapport. On the face of it, the pair have little in common: Sihali is an observant Muslim who doesn't drink alcohol; Archer "went to church once or twice with the Cubs" and likes the odd beer. But for all its unlikely beginnings, what characterises their friendship now is its ordinariness. They go to the cinema and for a kebab afterwards. Archer ("an old rocker") mocks Sihali's more middle-of-the-road taste in music. Sihali attends Archer's family barbecues and helps out with DIY. When Archer went away with his wife and children for three weeks, Sihali house-sat.

    Before the ricin trial, Archer was almost entirely apolitical, but seeing the criminal justice system at close hand has transformed him into a vocal critic of the use of secret evidence against terror suspects. "I've become much, much more cynical about the way the government and security services operate," he says. Archer also speaks from experience. Once when he was sitting on Sihali's porch, a team of immigration officials arrived and demanded his name and address. "It was as if I'd gone from being an upstanding citizen to being suspicious. That was quite nasty."

    Archer now believes that terror suspects are subject to arbitrary and pointless restrictions, motivated by a desire to break their spirits, rather than genuine concerns that they are a threat. At one of Sihali' s deportation hearings, a government official, known as Witness A, gave a factually inaccurate testimony about him. When challenged about where she had got her information, she was forced to admit she had simply put his name into Google.

    Since being released from all restrictions, Sihali's life has at least acquired some semblance of normality. But his fellow defendant, Taleb, has fared less well. Although the police have never questioned him since his rearrest after the London bombings, let alone formally accused him of anything, he is still subject to a deportation order while his case continues. Under curfew for 20 hours a day, he is forced to live in a provincial town, where he knows no one. "He has been dumped on a pretty rough estate, where he is virtually the only non-white person," says Archer, one of only a handful of people granted permission by the Home Office to visit.

    It is unclear whether the UK could be forced to change its policy of deporting people to Algeria if the civil unrest were to spread to the country from Tunisia.

    In the meantime, Sihali fears that his deportation case may drag on for many more years. "During a time in my life when I should have been getting married and raising a family and having a career, it feels as if I have been wasting my life," he says.